摘要
水与土都是农业社会的核心资源。由于土的固定性以及长在土里的庄稼无法移动,从事农业生产的人也被固定在土地之上,费孝通据此提出"乡土中国"的理论。而由水的流动性引发的是人与人之间的合作或者冲突,围绕水的利用可能形成一整套勾连国家与社会、历史与现在的社会文化关系。置于乡村社会的"平常-非常"这一框架下,考察分析漳河上游流域、河北省与河南省交界的两个村落间的争水纠纷:在平常的日子里,西山村与东平村的人们通过多种方式形成多样的社会交往,村庄的边界隐于背后;在村落间由于争水而发生纠纷的"非常"状态之下,村落的边界一方面向彼此闭合,一方面向国家力量开放。在此过程中,村落内部并不是同质的,政治精英的个人意愿与实践、政治精英之间以及政治精英与普通村民之间的互动都对国家力量进入乡村的方式形成影响。村落再次由"非常"回归到"平常"后,在非常状态下得以进入乡村的国家权力被村落政治精英以不同的方式进行转化与应对。村庄同时也面临着城镇化与现代化的冲击。国家治理事业原初的目的是改善人们的生活,但因为当地人的实践,从上而下的、设计相对单一的治理方式在实际上带来的结果是两个村落之间的动态平衡被打破。而这种"治理性失衡"即原博士论文题目中"伤"字的含义。
Water and land are the core resources of agricultural society.Because land is fixed and crops cannot be transplanted,people engaged in the agricultural production are also fixed on the land,based on that,Fei Xiaotong proposed the "Rural China" theory.While the liquidity of water could cause cooperation or conflict between people,the utilization of water can evolve a complete social culture relation which links the nation and society,history and present.On the basis of the above thinking,this article adopts anthropological field ethnography,and conducts systematical investigation on the water disputes between two cross-province villages at the upstream watershed of Zhang River.The Zhanghe River originated in Shanxi Province and is the main tributary of the water system of the South Canal in the Haihe River Basin.The upper reaches are divided into two branches,the Qingjian River and the Zhuohe River.They are called the Weihe River after the convergence of the Hexian Village in Hexian County,Hebei Province,and the upper reaches of the three provinces of Shanxi,Hebei,and Henan.The Zhuoyu River is the boundary river between the three provinces.The following river sections to the three provincial bridges(Shanxi,Hebei,and Henan provinces)are the boundary rivers of Hebei Province and Henan Province.The banks of the river are Bengbu City of Hebei Province and Anyang City of Henan Province.After the Yuecheng Reservoir,the mountainous area entered the plains,and it was called the hook bay to join the Wei Canal.The upper reaches of the Weihe River refers to the area above the Guantai section of the Yuecheng Reservoir.This area is dominated by mountainous terrain.The river passes through the Taihang Mountains.The slopes on both sides are steep and the water and soil resources are scarce.From the 1950 s to the 1970 s,water resources development in the upper reaches of the Zhanghe River entered a peak period,and a large number of water storage and water diversion projects were built successively.The area of irrigated areas continued to increase,and the dependence on the Zhanghe River water source along the river area was also increasing.The contradiction between water supply and demand has become increasingly prominent.Water disputes between the two banks and the upper and lower reaches of the river continued to occur.There were many fights and explosions between the villages.Even in 1999,there were incidents in which two villagers made artillery to bombard each other.The upper reaches of the Zhanghe River has become one of the most acute areas of water conflicts in China.Frequent water conflicts have caused serious damage to the vital interests of the people along the river.Contrary to the requirements of the Chinese government for building a socialist harmonious society and maintaining social stability,the water disputes in the upper reaches of the Zhanghe River have become an important and sensitive problems.On this issue,experts in water resources management have conducted research and published relevant results,but no scholars have systematically studied sociology and anthropology,let alone the overall presentation and analysis of water disputes in the region.Generally speaking,if a region is frequently attacked beyond the village,it will be considered as a manifestation of the absence of state power.For example,Friedman pointed out that Fujian and Guangdong in his study of the southeastern clan in China.The local clan relationship relied on fighting the dispute between them.He even cited several examples of fighting between villages due to water use.In Friedman’s research,the area was first "Bentham" and was a "social without state".In the Ming and Qing Dynasties,in the Jinshui River Basin of Shanxi Province,there was fierce competition between the villages for water competition.In the "Jin Shui Zhi",a total of 19 water cases were recorded in this period.In his research,Fei Xiao tong put forward the "double-regulation politics" of traditional Chinese society.In a nutshell,that is, "the imperial power does not go down the county,the county is down-governed".In fact,the area where the water disputes in the upper reaches of the Zhanghe River frequently occur is located in the North China region of the Han Chinese core area that we generally understand.How does such a fierce fight occur in an area where the tentacles of state power can reach?In the process of fighting and the handling of disputes,how will state power operate,and how do local people interact with state power?My academic interest was stimulated by this,and I finally chose two villages in the upper reaches of the Zhanghe River as field research sites and started my doctoral thesis research.Under the "normalabnormal" frame of rural society,it finds that on the normal days,Xi Shan village and Dong Ping village have various social interactions such as intermarriage,trading and religious life,which obscures their border;however,once there is conflict brought by water,both of them will be under the "abnormal" condition,which means one’s border is closed to the other and is open to the national force.During this process,the internal village is not homogeneous,because the individual practice of rural political elite,the communication among elites as well as the interaction between them and villagers influence the way how the national force enters villages.After the villages returns from "abnormal" to "normal" again,the national force which has entered the villages under abnormal condition will be transformed in different ways by rural political elite.Meanwhile,the villages are facing the challenges of urbanization and modernization.The main conclusions are as follows:At the upstream watershed of Zhang River where the two villages are located,before the construction of canal,the river water cannot be utilized for agricultural irrigation,and there is no water dispute.In drought years,with such problem cannot be resolved by themselves,villagers would flee to other place to make a living.It is when water is utilized that it becomes social.After that,water use and exploitation turn into focal points,which produce interpersonal relationship and some corresponding relations.On this basis,the concept of "irrigating society" has been drawn.Though villagers like Xi Shan,Dong Ping and some environs have certain characteristics of "irrigating society",they fail to form a certain type of "irrigating society".After the construction of Da Yuefeng canal and Yue Jin canal,the local people’s livelihood changed from rain-fed to irrigated agriculture,introducing rice into local culture system.When canal water was scarce,armed fight occurred between villages.But the water utilization history of this area starts from the Great Leap Forward period,because the Dragon King no longer symbolizes "water control" but becomes the "God of nature" to satisfy people’s wishes for good weather.Most importantly,as regional water management system has not been formed,there is no rule of water deploy for people to abide by.As water disputes didn’t occur within "irrigating society",they couldn’t help to settle the local deploy rules,neither could it bring about the inter-village alliance.Therefore,the armed fight between villages is not structural conflict,but a strategic one which the locals use to request national force to allocate scarce resources.Determining the fighting between villages as a "strategic conflict" is a conclusion drawn from the analysis of the logical transition of disputes between villages.It should be pointed out here that the dispute refers to the state in which two or more subjects have not reached a consensus on a certain matter,and the fighting is not only a form of dispute expression,but also a solution to the dispute.Not all disputes will develop into a fight.The form of the dispute may be that the two sides are separated from each other,perhaps by dispute or noisy,and the settlement of the dispute may occur in any of the above processes.The fighting is a fierce one in the form of disputes.However,in some cases,the fighting itself represents the resolution of disputes.For example,the failed party in the fighting gives up its original claim and withdraws from the dispute.The native’s initiative pursue for national force doesn’t mean they accept the national force to infiltrate thoroughly into village life,which only means they utilize national force as a usable "weapon" to realize their own needs.In this sense,the individual practice of rural political elite will have their own influence on the entering of national force to villages.Whether the rural political elite can receive recognition and respect from villagers or not centers on an important standard,that is,if he can "place" national force at a "proper" position,using it to solve the current problems while not disturbing the villagers’ daily life,it is successful and welcomed.The local canal construction begins in the Great Leap Forward,at the same time,nation embarks on the comprehensive governance of rural society.In fact,the canal construction itself is one part of the national governance.Canal,as a creation of the national top-down governance,doesn’t have a corresponding down-top endogenous order after it enters rural society.Moreover,the long-term dynamic balance is broken under the influence of canal,for water disputes become more and more frequent.Nation sets up special organization to manage the deployment of canal water.While in China,especially the rural society,the "hidden rule" is always more effective in comparison with the "appeared rule",or "literal rules".As the rural political elites utilize "hidden rule" differently,they get distinct outcome and innovative imbalance through the interaction with water-distribution organizations.On these grounds,this dissertation proposes the concept of "governance imbalance".
出处
《政治人类学评论》
2018年第2期1-48,208-213,288,共55页
Political Anthropology Review
关键词
乡村社会
“平常-非常”动态平衡
水渠
水利社会
治理性失衡
Rural Society
"Normal-Abnormal" Dynamic Balance
Canal
Water Conservancy Society
Governance Imbalance
